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I’ve expressed plenty of disagreement with the Social Justice movement and will continue to do so. I also believe that there is truth in everything, an important reason to listen to all one’s foes. So I want to engage with that movement’s ideas in more philosophical depth, in a way that starts with sympathetic understanding. A couple years ago I tried to list those ideas neutrally and descriptively. Now I’d also like to go into the background, as neutrally and descriptively as possible, of one of the key ideas I mentioned there.

I’m referring specifically to the idea that because marginalized people have the lived experience of being marginalized, they naturally understand the nature of that marginalization better than privileged people ever can. This idea underpins Peggy McIntosh’s “Unpacking the invisible knapsack”, whose concept of privilege underpins so much of the movement’s thinking. Various forms of privilege, for McIntosh, are contained in an “invisible knapsack” which is invisible only to those who have the privilege; marginalized groups, by the fact of their marginalization, are able to see it perfectly well.

Such a view animates the artist who took down her picture of flowers coming out of a gun because “I have absolutely no right to decide whether or not my artwork is offensive to marginalized communities—nor does anyone else in a position of privilege, racial or otherwise.” I think it is also a reason that, for better or for worse, my views on racial and transgender topics get a hearing that a white cis person’s views wouldn’t. It is an underlying commonality that unites the different parts of the larger movement – #MeToo, BLM, the trans movement, the Canadian indigenous reckoning, movements for gay rights and undocumented immigrants. In each of these cases there is a clear binary drawn between privileged and marginalized, and a claim that the marginalized are intrinsically better able than the privileged to understand the situation. Today I want to explore the roots of this claim.

The general term for the claim in question is standpoint theory. Greg Lukianoff once described “underdogging” as a logical fallacy: “Claiming your viewpoint is more valid than your opponent’s because you speak for the disadvantaged.” The key to standpoint theory is that it does not view that “underdogging” as a fallacy, but as epistemologically productive or even accurate. Or almost: in standpoint theory your view is not at all more valid because you speak for the disadvantaged… but it is more valid if you are the disadvantaged. Members of marginalized or disadvantaged groups have an epistemological advantage: it is in the nature of their situation that they see and know important things that those outside the groups do not.

Standpoint theory has its roots in the early 20th-century Hegelian Marxist writers Georg Lukàcs and Alexandre Kojève. It is in this regards that the Social Justice movement could be meaningfully called “cultural Marxism”, as many of its critics do. (I say that not as a criticism, but from a view broadly sympathetic to Marxism as a whole. People who describe the term “cultural Marxism” as a “racist dog whistle” are just bullies employing the now-expected tiresome tactic of deploying the R-word to silence anyone who wants to think too carefully about their ideas.)

Noah Smith is correct that many Social Justice activists aren’t reading Marxist thinkers like the Frankfurt School as a key intellectual resource, they’re reading black authors like Patricia Hill Collins or Frantz Fanon – at least when they are thinking about race (which is only one part of the movement). But the next question should be: where are those authors getting their ideas from?

Nancy Hartsock, from Wikipedia: photo by JuanGilUpo, CC BY-SA 4.0

Collins’s most influential article, the 1986 “Learning from the outsider within”, is known for the claim that black women’s “‘outsider within’ status has provided a special standpoint on self, family, and society for Afro-American women.” (p. S14) And she explicitly draws the lineage of this “special standpoint” idea back to Nancy Hartsock’s 1983 chapter “The feminist standpoint”, which gave standpoint theory its name.

The explicit goal that Hartsock sets herself in that chapter is to reformulate Marx’s “proposal that a correct vision of class society is available from only one of the two major class positions in capitalist society” (284), applying that claim to women’s lives. In her later explanation “The feminist standpoint revisited”, she notes that she did so “following Lukács’s essay” (228) from History and Class Consciousness on the standpoint of the proletariat – which is where she gets the term “standpoint”.

As for Fanon, the core theme of his 1952 Black Skin, White Masks is how racism structures a black person’s everyday experience, especially of the body. Fanon’s teacher, the phenomenologist Merleau-Ponty, had proclaimed that “to have a body is to possess a universal arrangement”. Fanon’s life experience in Paris to continually look for that human universality while continually being excluded on the basis of his particular body: “The nègre is universalizing himself, but at the Lycée Saint-Louis, in Paris, one was thrown out.” (143-4) Thus he closes the book with the words: “O my body, make of me always a man who questions!” (181) Being a victim of racist segregation requires that one ask questions that do not occur to universalists on top like Merleau-Ponty: this is a core theme of standpoint theory. And Fanon draws a major portion of the analysis in Black Skin, White Masks from what he thinks is Hegel but is actually Kojève: the so-called master-slave dialectic, in which the slave, who can stand in for an oppressed group in general, understands his situation better than the master oppressor. The influence of Lukàcs on Fanon is not quite as clear, but Edward Said in Culture and Imperialism speculates that Fanon read Lukàcs’s work – which had just come out in French translation – while he was writing his next (and more materialist) work The Wretched of the Earth. (270-1) Fanon, like Hartsock, takes from Lukàcs and Kojève the basic idea that marginalized groups understand their situation better than privileged ones. So it is in these thinkers, above all, that we find the Social Justice movement’s deep intellectual roots.

I also think there is something that Hartsock’s later thought comes to lose as it departs from Lukàcs, in a way that weakens the whole project of standpoint theory. But I’ll take that point up next week.